فصلنامه مجلس و راهبرد
پیاپی 102 (تابستان 1399)

Any planning for the establishment of social justice requires monitoring the status quo as well as presenting an evaluative image of the current situation. One of the common tools in this area is to design “composite indicators”. After 2008 financial crisis, distributive dimension in social justice due to the injustice dissatisfaction has been more addressed. Concerning social justice, extensive efforts have been made in Iran and the world (in particular, in the Europe) to design a composite index of social justice in order to estimate the status of social justice in EU member states. According to the Islamic theoretical foundations of social justice, serious efforts have been made to design an appropriate composite index for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, the areas, sections and measures related to each section were identified based on the deductive-inductive research approach by group of experts. Finally, the estimation as well as measurement of the Iranian justice status from 2006 to 2016 have been conducted. According to the results, compromise index of social justice has not been desirable (the total score out of 10 points has been always approximately or below 5), in three economic, social and governance (ESG) criteria (including 134 measurements in 17 sectors). Also, this indicator has been on a slight downward trend. Social justice indicator was the most undesirable sub-indicator among two other fields (economic and governance indicators) over the past decade.

Political discourse usually tends to diffuse itself in other discursive fields. Computer games are one of the most considerable products of cultural area in which the political discourse can be reproduced through them. This article is concerned with the representation politics of computer games as well as its inter-textual relevance to the discourse of political domains. The study examines the political discourse of “ Command & Conquer: Generals “ game as well as its relationship with the US political discourse through using a non-probability (purposive) sampling. The main question addressed is what can be the relationship between the game discourse and US foreign politics. Thus, this computer game is analyzed at three levels of description, interpretation, and explanation through Fairclough’s analysis discourse which suggests that within the framework of dominant discursive order of Western media on “Islam”, and “Middle East” i.e. “Islamophobia”, unfortunately “false and other” image of Islam is portrayed. Also, the discourse is categorized as a broader social action which is consistent with themes of new orientalism logic, the clash of civilization and in particular, American Exceptionalism as well as is reproduced through the language of (the US) soft power of cultural products.

Today, representative government considers not only a defective and inevitable alternative to direct democracy, but also an intrinsically desirable way for it. However, when representation can be only considered as a real concept of the political-legal system that all legislative rules and procedures of exercising political power are continuously scanned as well as dynamism which has been arose from the constituent’s power is recognized and also followed. The research attempts to discuss the nature of true representation under “dynamic representative system” based on the normative approach as well as constitutional capacities for providing desirable conditions of representativeness are assessed through using analytical-descriptive method. Findings of the research show that the realization of a dynamic representative system requires to realize social contexts besides legal components. Also, the Iranian Constitution has capacity for such system implementation and maintenance within the framework of fundamental rights and freedoms through predicting major part of the dynamic representative system preparations. But the main gap involve those areas which will be inconsistent with the constitutional process.

Decentralization is an effective effort in the development of countries thus Iranian upstream laws emphasize decentralization at provincial level. In this research, the establishment of local self-governing of the provinces is considered as a decentralization pattern due to the compliance with the constitution in preserving integrity of the Iranian governance as well as achieving the goals of a 20-year Perspective Document of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the lack of appropriate strategies, the implementation of decentralization policies at the provincial level has faced many problems. So the study aims to develop appropriate strategies for the establishment of a local self-government in the provinces based on the SWOT analysis model. According to 16 expert interviews which have been conducted through directed (qualitative) analysis, out of a total of 1258 initial codes, 15 pros and 33 cons including five categories such as legal identity, democracy, government duties, decision making authority and public organizations were identified as well as 18 opportunities and 17 threats which include three social, political and economic categories. Strategic position of the self-governing of provinces was identified as a conservative region through weighing up the pros and cons as well as ranking opportunities and threats through questionnaires. Finally, out of the 64 developed strategies, 10 main strategies were chosen based on scores of internal and external factors.

In recent decades, we have witnessed an intellectual revolution in urban and regional planning research (especially economic geography) as well as the role of creative capital in the urban-regional economic growth has been addressed. This study aims to examine the role of creative capital in Iranian urban-regional economy through using Richard Florida’s (theory on) creative capital. According to the theoretical literature, results showed that Iranian creative capital would act as an engine of urban-regional growth, especially urban-regional economic growth, and has high explanatory power in explaining the growth of urban-regional economies. It was also found that factors such as talent, diversity and tolerance, technology, per capita income and local facilities together play an important role in the locational choices of creative capital and where they live and work. Finally, the map of the geography of creativity in Iran was drawn from the findings. Drawing up a map of the geography of creativity in the provinces of Iran largely illustrates the future economic growth pattern and shows which provinces can succeed in increasing competition of cities and regions in the cultivation, conservation, and absorption of creative capital.
According to theoretical literature in the context of Iran, it can be concluded that in the creative age ideas and intellectual capital are replaced by natural resources, and human creativity will be the ultimate source of economic growth. As creative capital becomes an unlimited resource as well as the main driver of economic growth, the growing competition of cities, regions, and countries is increasingly dependent on the maintenance and absorption of creative capital.

The cyberspace as well as specific features of cybercrime have led to the unaccountability of the administration of conventional criminal justice in dealing with children’s cybercrime victimization. Therefore, criminal justice system has to adapt itself to these changes, practices and goals. Due to the different capabilities such as increased satisfaction of victims, reduction of the second victimization and the development of judicial justice, restorative justice pattern which has been already considered as one of the achievements of modern criminal law is recognized as an inclusive approach to criminal justice systems. This study aims to explain the legislative capacity of restorative justice programs in order to face with the children’s cybercrimes victimization as well as to respond the main question of the research that how much the strategies of restorative justice can be consistent with the children’s cybercrimes victimization. Analytical and descriptive method has been used to explain the functions of restorative justice within the framework of surveying the application of these teachings when facing with children’s cybercrimes victimization as well as to provide solutions to remove the available gaps, particularly, in the Iranian legal system. Findings of the study show that restorative justice strategies which have a victim-centered approach have prioritized (cyberspace) victimized children’s interests and demands firstly through balancing concerns of victimized children as well as criminalizing children and local community. Then, the application of this process at any time and stage of criminal investigation can pave the way for low-cost, flexible and timely accessibility of criminal justice for victimized children and their families as well as it can provide a way for achieving victimized children’s demands.

This study aims to identify the pros and cons as well as opportunities and threats of social networking in the Iranian society as well as seeks to develop strategies for its appropriate usage. This study has been conducted through using mixed-method as well as analytical-descriptive research based on SWOT method and questionnaires (as quantitative data) and interviews (as qualitative data. Statistical population includes academicians and executives who are totally 55 experts that 15 of them have been selected for doing interviews through using targeted improbable sampling method as well as 40 experts of the rest have been selected for filling questionnaires. SWOT, SPACE and QSPM methods were used for data processing. The findings show that the pros of social networking are to get information as well as a critical boost to users’morales but its cons are users’ safety principles inobservance for (social) networking. Its opportunity is local network operation with (an emphasis on) support-centered from the Iranian-Islamic culture. But its threats includes to change lifestyles as well as promote families separation as the most important social institution in the Iranian-Islamic culture. The most appropriate strategies are to use more qualitative as well as quantitative capacities of the Iranian users to develop religious, moral and cultural contents in domestic and foreign levels as well as more integration between major governmental and non-governmental institutions to increase users’ media as well as security knowledge of social networking.

In recent decades, various researches have been conducted on the relationship between the religion and political participation of Iranian citizens. In this regard, the present study aims to use the meta-analysis method to analyze the results of studies on the relationship between the religion and political participation.
In order to carry out the present analysis, 12 related studies were conducted during 2005-2015 which aims to evaluate the relationship between religion and political participation as well as published in prestigious quarterly journals. Selected research has been carried out through survey method in different statistical societies and in terms of stable measurements. In the first step, the evaluation of selected studies, assumptions of homogeneity as well as dissemination errors were examined. They showed heterogeneous size effects which did not bias the published studies. In the second step, the coefficient of size effects as well as the role of gender variable adjustment were evaluated.
The results showed that the effect size or the coefficient of the influence of religiosity on political participation is estimated 0.33 which is assessed as moderate in terms of the Cohen’s interpretative system. Also, considering gender as a moderating variable, this coefficient were evaluated for women (0.34) and for men (0.32) respectively.
According to the results, the component of religiosity has an impact on the level of political participation, although this proportion for women is somewhat higher than men. In fact, the greater commitment of women to religious beliefs provides grounds for greater political participation.

Lawmaking is the most important procedure which other judicial or executive procedures are influenced by it so the importance of all its processes are increased. Legislation is one of the components of the legislative process which itself can be made based on different factors. A review of the legislative process in different countries suggests that in a general classification, the law-making structure can be classified based on the concentration ratio or diffusion degree in lawmaking as well as the quality of interaction between the lawmakers or legislators and experts as well as the public, into three categories: centralized, consensus-based and diffused. During centralized law-making process, policy is formed within the framework of the executive branch as well as through some central coordinated mechanism. In the consensus-based process, both the executive and legislative branches have necessary human resources to transform policies into laws. Diffused law-making is characterized by the adoption as well as orientation of policies not only in the executive and legislative branches but also beyond the government system.
According to this categorization, the legal system in the Islamic Republic of Iran is diffused, and despite the structural and normative shortcomings in this area, the elaboration of an appropriate model for law drafting has not been considered by the relevant academic communities or related governance associations. By examining different patterns of law-drafting, the establishment of a consensus-based law-drafting system can be considered as a favorable option for the Iranian law-making.

Nongovernmental Public institutions are the executive organizations which have been emerged to meet social needs after the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, institutions’ services are influenced by cultural, social and religious values of the society which makes clear central role of non-governmental organizations. But it seems that the legal nature of these institutions in the Iranian Bureaucratic system hasn’t been recognized which leads our (Islamic) government face major challenges to achieve its goals as well as make policies. Therefore, the article aims to define nature as well as status of nongovernmental Public institutions in the Iranian legal system through using analytical-descriptive method. Hence, results of the research show that at first, although nongovernmental public organizations have been established under the state sovereignty like governmental systems which use privileges of its public power to provide public services to the society, these orgs have independent legal personality as well as flexible organizational structure compared with the aforementioned (governmental) orgs. Second, meeting value needs of the society distinguishes the legal personality of institutions even from nongovernmental public organizations. In other words unlike the recent legal entities whose existence originate from the republican form of the government system as well as the current needs of the government, nongovernmental public institutions which are under the helm of the government can provide some public interests which are come from the Islamic nature of political system of our country. Thirdly, nongovernmental public organizations have “administrative, executive and service” natures. Fourth, these organs can be categorized under “executive-administrative” organizations.

Complementing the value chain of the petrochemical industry is one of the most effective ways to implement general policies of the resilient economy as well as to deal with the vulnerability of oil and gas export earnings especially, in the face of devastating US sanctions. This paper examines challenges of the Iranian petrochemical industry in accordance with general policies of economic resilience. One of the effective ways to deal with these challenges is to make a proper plan for the establishment of a regulatory body for petrochemical industry sector through considering its indigenous components. The establishment of such an institution, in favorable conditions, can improve the performance of our country’s petrochemical sector. The research has been conducted based on documentary research method as well as comparative studies also using experienced experts’ point of views on petrochemical industry through preparing Delphi method questionnaire in order to determine the desirable criteria for petrochemical industry regulation also ranking these criteria. But given the available constrains, it may be impossible to address all the challenges. So their prioritization can help policy makers to deal with more important challenges at first. Hence, the Competition Council is considered as the regulatory authority who requires to intervene in the relevant petrochemical market through the establishment of a regulatory body. According to the results, the respective structures of our country should be reformed in order to perform their assigned tasks better. Also, “sector” and “multisector” concepts as two major points should be addressed that successfulness of regulatory authority is largely in the “Sector” regulatory body rather than multisector regulator due to their structural features. Therefore it seems to make better that theestablishment of a regulatory body for petrochemical sector which has a multisector nature only attributes to petrochemical products markets.

Nowadays, one of the most important mechanisms for achieving victimization rate is to use of victimization surveys or victimology which are used as an appropriate strategy nationally and internationally. These surveys aims primarily to find out the type, nature, frequency of crimes, characteristics of victims and the relationship between the victims (The victimized) and victimizer particularly, to discover the reasons for not reporting victimization to the police and judicial authorities. Then according to the received information, the necessary strategies will be provided to facilitate the process of victimization reporting, prevent re-victimization and support the victims. The article analyzes the necessity of victimization surveys or victimology in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on legal documents through using analytical-descriptive method. Results show that although there is a great legal capacity (such as both upstream and ordinary documents) for victimization surveys or victimology in our country, it has not been done in a purposeful and methodical way. Hence, conducting these surveys will be faced obstacles and limitations firstly, the existence of positive social and individual effects make it necessary inevitably.

Optimal management, planning and exploitation of the Iranian water resources are the biggest challenges facing to achieve sustainable development. There are various problems and failures in this area which needs to be considered by the relevant authorities and officials such as the Ministry of Energy, the Ministry of Agriculture-Jihad and social individuals and groups .The paper investigates the application of passive defense for planning water resources of our country as well as increases the necessity of their consideration and management in accordance with the principles and objectives of passive defense through introducing existing water resources. Therefore, the passive defense and its requirements also its role in spatial planning as the main pillar of national development planning have been initially introduced. Furthermore, its applications for the Iranian water resources planning have been addressed including food security, internal management of water resources, marine and costal management as well as transboundary water diplomacy and its control.

The research aims to consider the pathology of the Iranian policymaking on the primary prevention of drug abuse and addiction. The research has been conducted based on the mixed methods consist Delphi technique, content analysis (method), factor analysis and analytic hierarchy process (AHP). Also, the study population includes four groups of policymakers, the executives, experts and recovered addicts. Unfortunately, we face the major challenges to consider the pathology of policies through using current data gathered from the policymaking process. Findings of the research indicate that the inalienability of prevention (from drug addiction) within the scope of accountable institutions’ responsibilities, the disintegration of preventive activities on the structure of social institutions (of our country), an ambiguity in the monitoring and evaluation mechanism, the willingness of policy makers and officials to carry out high-yield and short-term programs, the inappropriateness of preventive policies to the depth and breadth of drug addiction issue which are considered as major problems of the Iranian policy-making on primary prevention of drug addiction.